"A Candid State of Parties." Thoughts by James Madison, September 26, 1792.

In Federalist 10, James Madison characterized factions in popular governments as a “dangerous vice,” but natural in free governments. Moreover, factions are only able to be eliminated or controlled by destroying liberty or giving everyone the same opinion: the first remedy “is worse than the disease” and the second is “as impracticable as the first would be unwise.” Consequently, according to Federalist 10, the only option to counter the poison of faction was to control its effects through a well-constructed union which would rob ambition of opportunity.

This was Madison’s thinking when he published Federalist 10 in the New York Packet, November 23, 1787. Fast-forward to 1792, and Madison returned to factions in the essay, A Candid State of Parties, published in the National Gazette, September 26th. In this work, Madison identified three eras of factionalism: The first was those who “espoused the cause of independence” versus those who “adhered to the British claims.” These parties ended upon the establishment of American independence. The second was between the Federalists and the Anti-Federalists, who divided on the Constitution. The third was the parties that existed at the time he wrote the article for the Gazette, which would be likely “to be of some duration.” In fact, one may wonder if Madison’s description doesn’t still aptly describe the current parties in the United States today.

Readers may judge for themselves.

August Glen-James, editor

This state of parties (i.e., the Federalists and Anti-Federalists) was terminated by the regular  and effectual establishment of the federal government in 1788; out of the administration of which, however, has arisen a third division, which being natural to most political societies, is likely to be of some duration in ours.

One of the divisions consists of those, who from particular interest, from natural temper, or from the habits of life, are more partial to the opulent than to the other classes of society; and having debauched themselves into a persuasion that mankind are incapable of governing themselves, it follows with them, of course, that government can be carried on only by the pageantry of rank, the influence of money and emoluments, and the terror of military force. Men of those sentiments must naturally wish to point the measures of government less to the interest of the many than of a few, and less to the reason of the many than to their weaknesses; hoping perhaps in proportion to the ardor of their zeal, that by giving such a turn to the administration, the government itself may by degrees be narrowed into fewer hands, and approximated to an hereditary form.

The other division consists of those who believing in the doctrine that mankind are capable of governing themselves, and hating hereditary power as an insult to the reason and an outrage to the rights of man, are naturally offended at every public measure that does not appeal to the understanding and to the general interest of the community, or that is not strictly conformable to the principles, and conducive to the preservation of republican government.

This being the real state of parties among us, an experienced and dispassionate observer will be at no loss to decide on the probable conduct of each.

The antirepublican party, as it may be called, being the weaker in point of numbers, will be induced by the most obvious motives to strengthen themselves with the men of influence, particularly of moneyed, which is the most active and insinuating influence. It will be equally their true policy to weaken their opponents by reviving exploded parties, and taking advantage of all prejudices, local, political, and occupational, that may prevent or disturb a general coalition of sentiments.

The Republican party, as it may be termed, conscious that the mass of people in every part of the union, in every state, and of every occupation must at bottom be with them, both in interest and sentiment, will naturally find their account in burying all antecedent questions, in banishing every other distinction than that between enemies and friends to republican government, and in promoting a general harmony among the latter, wherever residing, or however employed.

Whether the republican or the rival party will ultimately establish its ascendance, is a problem which may be contemplated now; but which time alone can solve. On one hand experience shews that in polities as in war, stratagem is often an overmatch for numbers: and among more happy characteristics of our political situation, it is now well understood that there are peculiarities, some temporary, others more durable, which may favor that side in the contest. On the republican side, again, the superiority of numbers is so great, their sentiments are so decided, and the practice of making a common cause, where there is a common sentiment and common interest, in spite of circumstantial and artificial distinctions, is so well understood, that no temperate observer of human affairs will be surprised if the issue in the present instance should be reversed, and the government be administered in the spirit and form approved by the great body of the people.